Autocephaly 1219

In 1219 Sava traveled to Nicaea, the seat of the Byzantine emperor and the Ecumenical Patriarch in exile after the Latin conquest of Constantinople, and obtained from Patriarch Manuel I Sarantenos — with the approval of Emperor Theodore I Laskaris — recognition of the Serbian Church as autocephalous, with himself consecrated its first Archbishop and the right to ordain his own bishops and successors. The grant detached the Serbian dioceses from the archbishopric of Ohrid, whose archbishop, Demetrios Chomatenos, protested vigorously but in vain. The 1219 autocephaly is the founding act of the Serbian Orthodox Church and the central achievement of Sava’s life.

Tradition: Serbian Orthodox

What Autocephaly Means

Before the grant of 1219 can be weighed, its content must be understood. In Orthodox ecclesiology autocephaly (from the Greek autokephalos, “self-headed”) denotes a particular church that governs itself fully under its own primate, without administrative subordination to any other see, while remaining in complete dogmatic and sacramental communion with the rest of the Orthodox world (see Orthodoxy Guide: Canon Law). The operative marks of autocephaly are concrete: the right of the church, through its primate and synod, to elect and consecrate its own bishops, and above all to elect and consecrate its own primate without confirmation from, or recourse to, any external authority (Vranić, “Autocephaly of the Serbian Church in 1219,” OrthoChristian). It is this power of self-perpetuation that distinguishes an autocephalous church from a merely autonomous one, whose primate is still confirmed or consecrated from outside.

A further mark, traditionally reserved to autocephalous churches, is the right to consecrate the holy chrism (myron) used in chrismation and in the consecration of churches. In the Serbian case this right was not exercised in the early centuries — the Serbian Church, like several others, long received its chrism from Constantinople, and the question of self-consecration of chrism became a practical mark of autocephaly only later in the history of the autocephalous churches (cf. Orthodoxy Guide: Canon Law on the marks of autocephaly). What 1219 secured unambiguously was the essential core: a Serbian primate, Serbian bishops, and a Serbian synod with the canonical capacity to renew themselves in perpetuity. On the wider framework — what autocephaly is, who may grant it, and how the modern churches trace their status — see Orthodoxy Guide: Canon Law and, for the Serbian line specifically, Orthodoxy Guide: World Orthodoxy — Serbia.

The Setting: Nicaea, the Empire in Exile

In 1219 there was no emperor or patriarch in Constantinople. The Fourth Crusade had taken the imperial city in 1204 and installed a Latin emperor and a Latin patriarch; the Byzantine emperor and the Ecumenical Patriarch had withdrawn to Nicaea in Asia Minor, which became the seat of the Orthodox empire-in-exile and the legitimate continuation of the Byzantine state and church (Obolensky, Six Byzantine Portraits, ch. 4; Manuel I of Constantinople, English Wikipedia). It was to this exiled court — to the emperor Theodore I Laskaris and the Patriarch Manuel I Sarantenos (Manuel I Charitopoulos) — that Sava came to seek autocephaly for the Serbian Church.

The political moment was favorable. The Nicaean empire, fighting for its survival and its legitimacy against Latin and Bulgarian rivals, had every reason to cultivate an Orthodox Serbia; and Serbia, newly raised to a kingdom (see Crowning the Kingdom) and recently flirting with Rome, was a prize worth securing for the Orthodox commonwealth. Sava, an Athonite of impeccable canonical standing and a prince of the Serbian house, was the ideal petitioner.

The geopolitics of the Orthodox world in 1219 were unusually fragmented, and that fragmentation was Sava’s opportunity. With Constantinople in Latin hands, three centers contended to embody the legitimate Byzantine succession. Nicaea, under the Laskarid emperors, held the patriarch-in-exile and the strongest claim to continuity. In the western Balkans the rival Despotate of Epiros, under Theodore Komnenos Doukas, was expanding aggressively and would within a few years take Thessalonica and have its ruler crowned emperor; it was the Epirote orbit that controlled the Archbishopric of Ohrid and its formidable canonist Demetrios Chomatenos (Obolensky, Six Byzantine Portraits, ch. 4; Fine, The Late Medieval Balkans; Demetrios Chomatenos, English Wikipedia). To the east of Serbia lay the Second Bulgarian Empire, whose ruler Kaloyan had in 1204 accepted a union with Rome and a papal-recognized primacy at Tărnovo, and which pressed its own ecclesiastical and territorial ambitions in the region (Fine, The Late Medieval Balkans). For Sava to obtain autocephaly from Nicaea was thus also to align Serbia with the Laskarid claimant against both the Epirote–Ohrid bloc and the Bulgarian–Roman one — a choice of patron as much as a grant of independence.

The Grant of Autocephaly

The Patriarch, with the emperor’s approval, consecrated Sava Archbishop of the Serbian Church and granted the Serbian Church autocephaly — the right to govern itself, and above all the right of its archbishop, together with his synod of bishops, to elect and consecrate his own successors and bishops without recourse to Constantinople (Saint Sava, English Wikipedia: “On 15 August 1219, during the feast of the Dormition,” Sava “was consecrated by Patriarch Manuel I of Constantinople in Nicaea as the first Archbishop”; Vranić, “Autocephaly of the Serbian Church in 1219,” OrthoChristian). The right of self-consecration was the operative core of autocephaly: a church that could perpetuate its own hierarchy was no longer dependent on any other.

The canonical legitimacy of the grant is a point the Serbian tradition stresses. As the canonist Vladimir Vranić observes, “St. Sava was a canonical archimandrite, from which rank he was canonically consecrated as an Archbishop,” and he petitioned the competent authority — the Ecumenical Patriarch, the only see that could grant autocephaly — rather than the lesser archbishopric of Ohrid under which the Serbian dioceses had previously fallen (Vranić, “Autocephaly of the Serbian Church in 1219,” OrthoChristian). The grant specified that thereafter “the Archbishop (a Serb) himself (should make decisions) with the assembly of his bishops” (Vranić, citing the canonical decision). A particular honor marked the consecration: the tradition reports that Patriarch Manuel vested the new archbishop in his own patriarchal vestments, a sign of the dignity of the new church (Serbian Orthodox Church, “The 800th Anniversary of Autocephaly,” 2019).

[Disputed: The granting patriarch and the exact documentary form are not entirely settled. The dominant tradition and most sources name Patriarch Manuel I Sarantenos as the consecrator in 1219; the earliest Life (Domentijan) may, on one reading, reflect a later confirming document signed by Patriarch Germanos II (patriarch from 1223), and some scholars distinguish the 1219 consecration from a subsequent confirmation (Vranić, “Autocephaly of the Serbian Church in 1219,” OrthoChristian; Manuel I of Constantinople, English Wikipedia). The date 15 August 1219 (the Dormition) is widely given but rests on the later tradition rather than a contemporary document (Saint Sava, English Wikipedia).]

Why Constantinople Granted It

A grant of autocephaly is never made lightly, for it permanently diminishes the granting see’s jurisdiction; the reasons Nicaea acceded to Sava’s petition are therefore central to understanding 1219. The motives were primarily geopolitical. The Nicaean court of Theodore I Laskaris was engaged in a contest for the leadership of the whole Orthodox commonwealth, and an autocephalous Serbian Church grateful to Nicaea was a strategic gain on several fronts at once (Obolensky, Six Byzantine Portraits, ch. 4; Fine, The Late Medieval Balkans).

First, the grant countered Rome. Serbia under Stefan the First-Crowned had drifted toward the papacy, accepting a royal crown from a papal legate in 1217 (see Crowning the Kingdom); by furnishing Serbia with an Orthodox autocephalous church Nicaea drew the kingdom decisively back into the Byzantine orbit and away from the Latin one. Second, the grant weakened the Epirote–Ohrid bloc: detaching the Serbian eparchies from Ohrid struck at the jurisdiction of a church controlled by Nicaea’s chief rival, the Despotate of Epiros, and at the prestige of its canonist Chomatenos (Fine, The Late Medieval Balkans; Archbishopric of Ohrid, English Wikipedia). Third, it bound a useful ally on the empire’s Balkan flank to the legitimate emperor and patriarch. The cost — the loss of a few dioceses that Nicaea did not in any case directly control — was small against these gains. Sava’s personal standing made the transaction easy to justify in canonical terms: a petitioner of the Serbian royal house and unimpeachable Athonite formation allowed the patriarch to present a politically expedient grant as a canonically proper one.

The Protest of Demetrios Chomatenos of Ohrid

The grant came at the expense of the Archbishopric of Ohrid (the “Bulgarian” archbishopric), under whose jurisdiction the Serbian eparchies of Raška, Prizren, and Lipljan had previously stood (Archbishopric of Ohrid, English Wikipedia). Its archbishop, the eminent canonist Demetrios Chomatenos, reacted sharply. In the spring of 1220 he sent Bishop John of Skopje as an envoy to Sava in protest, and he addressed to Sava a sharply worded letter challenging the legitimacy of the new arrangement — objecting that the Serbian dioceses had been removed from his jurisdiction and that Sava, a monk, had been irregularly elevated (Archbishopric of Ohrid and Demetrios Chomatenos, English Wikipedia; Stefan the First-Crowned, on the Ohrid jurisdiction of the Serbian eparchies).

Chomatenos’s objections were several and, on their face, weighty, for he was perhaps the foremost canonist of the age. He argued, first, that the elevation was uncanonical in form: a monk had been raised directly and irregularly to the archiepiscopate, in his view without due process, and consecrated for a jurisdiction not properly vacated. He argued, second, that the grant violated his own jurisdiction, since the Serbian eparchies of Raška, Prizren, and Lipljan had long stood under Ohrid and could not lawfully be detached from it without its consent (Demetrios Chomatenos and Archbishopric of Ohrid, English Wikipedia). Underlying both was a jurisdictional theory congenial to the Epirote sphere: that the patriarch-in-exile at Nicaea lacked the standing to redraw the ecclesiastical map of the western Balkans.

The protest carried no canonical weight and came to nothing. Chomatenos, himself the head of a church that was not fully autocephalous and that owed its own elevated status to imperial favor, attacked Sava personally but, as Vranić notes, “avoided direct challenge to Constantinople”; the strong reaction of the archbishop of Ohrid is generally read as driven by political considerations and personal and jurisdictional ambition rather than by genuine concern for church order, and it “was never escalated” (Vranić, “Autocephaly of the Serbian Church in 1219,” OrthoChristian; cf. the assessment in the OCL/Vranić study). Tellingly, Chomatenos directed his fire at Sava and at the Serbian arrangement, not at the Ecumenical Patriarch who had made the grant — an evasion that exposed the weakness of his position, since the patriarch alone could grant or rescind autocephaly and Chomatenos was in no position to bring a case against him (Vranić, “Autocephaly of the Serbian Church in 1219,” OrthoChristian). The grant of Constantinople stood; the Serbian Church remained autocephalous; and Chomatenos’s letter survives chiefly as a document of the resistance that the new church overcame.

The Political and Ecclesial Significance

The autocephaly of 1219 was the keystone of Sava’s life’s work, and its significance was at once ecclesial and national:

  1. An independent national church. Serbia now had its own self-governing church, headed by a Serb archbishop and free to perpetuate its own hierarchy — the ecclesiastical counterpart to the political independence of the newly crowned kingdom. Church and state were now both Serbian and both autonomous.
  2. The decisive turn to Orthodoxy. Stefan had been crowned by a papal legate in 1217, and Serbia had hovered between Rome and Constantinople (see Crowning the Kingdom). The 1219 autocephaly settled the question: the Serbian Church was firmly anchored in Eastern Orthodoxy and in the Byzantine commonwealth. As Britannica puts it, Sava “countered the king’s affinity to the Roman Catholic Church” by securing Orthodox autocephaly at Nicaea (Saint Sava, Britannica).
  3. The foundation of Serbian identity. By uniting an autocephalous church with the holy Nemanjić dynasty, Sava fused religious and national identity at the root, making the church the bearer of Serbian nationhood through all the centuries that followed — the role it would play through Ottoman rule down to the present (see Orthodoxy Guide: World Orthodoxy — Serbia).

The archbishopric Sava founded in 1219 would be raised to a Patriarchate at Peć in 1346 and, after centuries of suppression and revival, renewed as the modern Serbian Orthodox Church in 1920 — but the line of self-governance it traces runs back unbroken to the grant at Nicaea. On the wider canonical question of how autocephaly is granted, of which 1219 is a classic precedent, see Orthodoxy Guide: Canon Law.

A Paradigm Among Autocephaly Grants

The 1219 grant has come to be treated in the Serbian tradition, and by canonists, as a paradigm of the proper acquisition of autocephaly — the very framing of Vranić’s study (Vranić, “Autocephaly of the Serbian Church in 1219 as a Paradigm of Canonical Acquisition of Autocephaly,” OrthoChristian). What makes it exemplary, on this reading, is that every requirement was satisfied: the petition was made by a canonically standing cleric on behalf of an organized Christian people with its own state; it was directed to the competent granting authority, the Ecumenical Patriarchate, rather than to a lesser see; and it was issued by the patriarch acting with his synod and with the emperor’s concurrence, in the settled Byzantine manner.

This distinguishes 1219 from the more troubled autocephaly questions of later centuries, where status was sometimes seized unilaterally or proclaimed by a local church or state without a grant from the mother church — a pattern that has repeatedly produced disputes over recognition in the Orthodox world (see Orthodoxy Guide: Canon Law; Orthodoxy Guide: World Orthodoxy — Serbia). The Serbian grant, by contrast, was never seriously contested at the level that mattered: Constantinople had given it, Constantinople did not withdraw it, and the lone protest from Ohrid was both jurisdictionally interested and directed at the wrong target. It is partly for this reason that the events of 1219 are still cited in modern Orthodox debates over how autocephaly may legitimately be conferred.

The 800th Anniversary, 2019

In 2019 the Serbian Orthodox Church kept the 800th anniversary of the 1219 autocephaly as the founding event of its existence, marking it as the moment from which its institutional life is counted (Serbian Orthodox Church, “The 800th Anniversary of the Autocephaly of the Serbian Orthodox Church 1219–2019”). The commemoration restated the church’s self-understanding: that the unbroken line of Serbian self-governance — through the archbishopric of Žiča and Peć, the Patriarchate of Peć of 1346, the centuries under Ottoman and later Habsburg rule, and the modern renewal of 1920 — runs back without interruption to Sava’s consecration at Nicaea. The anniversary literature also rehearsed the memory of the consecration itself, including the tradition that Patriarch Manuel vested Sava in his own patriarchal vestments, treating the event not merely as a juridical act but as the spiritual birth of the Serbian Church (Serbian Orthodox Church, “The 800th Anniversary of the Autocephaly,” 2019).

See Also

References

  • Obolensky, Dimitri. Six Byzantine Portraits. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988, chapter 4. On the Nicaean setting and the grant of autocephaly.
  • Fine, John V. A. The Late Medieval Balkans. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1987. On the Nicaea–Epiros–Bulgaria rivalry, the Despotate of Epiros and Ohrid, and the Balkan context of the grant.
  • Vranić, Vladimir. “Autocephaly of the Serbian Church in 1219 as a Paradigm of Canonical Acquisition of Autocephaly.” OrthoChristian (orthochristian.com/125223.html) / Orthodox Christian Laity. On the canonical legitimacy, the rights granted, the patriarch question, and the Chomatenos protest.
  • Serbian Orthodox Church. “The 800th Anniversary of the Autocephaly of the Serbian Orthodox Church 1219–2019” (Bishop Irinej of Eastern America). On the consecration, the patriarchal vestments, and the anniversary.
  • Saint Sava. English Wikipedia (used to locate the date 15 August 1219 and the consecration by Manuel I at Nicaea; flagged as later-tradition).
  • Saint Sava. Encyclopædia Britannica. On Sava’s counter to the king’s Roman affinity by securing Orthodox autocephaly.
  • Archbishopric of Ohrid and Demetrios Chomatenos. English Wikipedia. On the prior Ohrid jurisdiction of Raška, Prizren, and Lipljan, and Chomatenos’s protest of spring 1220.
  • Manuel I of Constantinople. English Wikipedia. On Manuel I as patriarch-in-exile at Nicaea and the formation of the autocephalous Serbian Church.