Alexandria and the Arians

Twice, the Life recounts, Antony left the desert for Alexandria: once during the Diocletianic persecution, to encourage the confessors and seek martyrdom; and once in extreme old age, around 337/338, to make a public stand against the Arians at the bishop’s request. This file treats that second journey — Antony’s denunciation of Arianism as a heresy worse than paganism, his refusal of communion with Arians and Meletian schismatics, and the bond with Athanasius that makes the episode the political and theological hinge of the Life.

Tradition: Pan-Orthodox (Church Father)

The First Journey: The Persecution

The Life records an earlier descent to the city. During the persecution under Maximinus (in the years around 311, in the aftermath of Diocletian’s edicts), Antony left the desert and went up to Alexandria to minister to the confessors in the mines and prisons, to attend the martyrs at their trials, and — the Life says — himself to seek martyrdom, presenting himself openly though he was not in the end taken (Life of Antony 46; trans. Gregg, CWS). When the persecution ceased he returned to the desert, to be there, in Athanasius’s phrase, “daily a martyr to his conscience” (Life of Antony 47; trans. Gregg; see Spiritual Warfare Teaching). The first journey establishes the pattern: Antony comes out of the desert when the Church is under assault, and goes back when the crisis passes.

The Second Journey: Against the Arians

The more consequential descent came in Antony’s old age, in connection with the Arian controversy that convulsed the fourth-century Church. The Life recounts that, though Antony normally never left his mountain, he came down to Alexandria at the request of the bishops to denounce the Arians, “for he was indignant” at their blasphemy against the Son (Life of Antony 69–70; trans. Gregg). The visit is conventionally dated to around 337 or 338, in the period of Athanasius’s struggle with the Arian party after the Council of Nicaea (325) [Disputed: the Life (chs. 69–71) does not date the visit precisely; scholars place it c. 337–338, the most commonly cited year being 338, in the years of Athanasius’s contest with the Arians, but the exact year is an inference and not securely fixed].

The Life‘s account is pointed. Antony, it says, publicly proclaimed in the church that the Arians were heretics, that the Son of God was not a creature but came from the essence of the Father, and that to call the Word a creature was to make the very heresy that denied the Lord who redeemed us; he warned the people to have nothing to do with them, comparing the Arians’ poison to that of serpents (Life of Antony 69; trans. Gregg). The visit, the Life claims, did great good: pagans came to see “the man of God,” some were converted, and the demons were put to flight, so that “the number of those who became Christians in those few days was such as one might have seen in a year” (Life of Antony 70; trans. Gregg). Antony then returned at once to his mountain, saying that as a fish out of water dies, so a monk loiters in the city to his harm (echoing Apophthegmata, Antony 10; see Sayings in the Apophthegmata).

Refusal of Communion with Heretics and Schismatics

The Life underlines Antony’s complete refusal of any communion with the enemies of Nicaea. He would not so much as speak with the Manichaeans, the Arians, or the Meletian schismatics (the rigorist Egyptian schism of the early fourth century), regarding “friendship and association with them as harmful and destructive to the soul,” and he charged his hearers to keep clear of “the Arian heresy” above all (Life of Antony 68; trans. Gregg). When Arians falsely claimed that Antony held their views, he came down and refuted them publicly, declaring their doctrine the worst of heresies (Life of Antony 69; trans. Gregg). The portrait is of a man whose ascetic charity toward all sinners stopped precisely at heresy, where charity required not accommodation but open refusal — a stance the tradition took as exemplary.

The Bond with Athanasius

The Alexandrian episodes are inseparable from Athanasius’s own purposes as author (see The Vita Antonii). Writing in the thick of the Arian crisis, often in exile and hunted, Athanasius had every reason to enlist the most venerated ascetic in Egypt as a witness for Nicaea — and the Life does exactly that, making Antony a vocal partisan of the homoousion and of Athanasius himself. The Life reports that Antony loved Athanasius and the orthodox bishops, corresponded with the bishop, and asked at his death that one of his two sheepskin cloaks be given to “Athanasius the bishop” as a token (Life of Antony 91; trans. Gregg) — a detail that seals the alliance in the saint’s own dying gesture.

Historians read this with appropriate care. That Antony was orthodox and anti-Arian is entirely credible; that the Life sharpens and foregrounds his Nicene partisanship to serve Athanasius’s cause is equally clear. The episode is therefore reported here as the Life presents it, with Athanasius’s authorial interest named, and the political theology — the desert father summoned to defend the council’s faith in the imperial city — understood as both a real feature of the age and a constructed element of the text (per the repository methodology §§3.5, 4). What is not in doubt is that Antony’s name was a power in the fourth-century Church, sought by orthodox and heretic alike, and that the Life spent that power decisively on the side of Nicaea.

The Arian Controversy in Brief

To grasp the weight of Antony’s intervention, the controversy must be sketched. The Arian dispute — the defining theological crisis of the fourth-century Church — turned on the relation of the Son to the Father. Arius, a presbyter of Alexandria, taught that the Son, though the first and greatest of creatures, was a creature: there was a time, in some sense, when the Son “was not,” and he was of a different essence from the Father, made rather than begotten. Against this the Council of Nicaea (325) confessed the Son to be “of one essence” (homoousios) with the Father, “true God from true God, begotten not made.” Athanasius became the great champion of the Nicene confession and, in consequence, the most persecuted bishop of the age, driven into exile five times by the Arian and imperial parties. The stakes, for Athanasius, were soteriological as well as doctrinal: if the Son is a creature, then the creature cannot save, and the whole economy of salvation collapses (the argument of his On the Incarnation). It is this conviction — that to deny the Son’s full divinity is to deny salvation itself — that the Life puts in Antony’s mouth when it has him declare the Arians’ teaching the worst of heresies (Life of Antony 69; trans. Gregg). For the conciliar and doctrinal context, see Orthodoxy: The Pre-Schism Church.

Why Antony’s Voice Mattered

The Arian party’s tactic of claiming Antony — of putting it about that the great hermit shared their views — is itself the best evidence of why his intervention mattered. By the 330s Antony was the most venerated holy man in Egypt and famous throughout the Christian world; to have his name was to have a moral authority that no synod or imperial decree could confer. Both sides understood this. The Arians sought to borrow his prestige; Athanasius, by the Life and by the report of the Alexandria visit, spent it decisively against them. The episode thus illustrates a broader fourth-century reality: the desert ascetics had become a power in the Church’s politics, their endorsement courted by patriarchs and emperors, their holiness a kind of currency in the doctrinal struggles of the age. Antony’s descent to Alexandria — the solitary leaving his mountain to thunder against heresy in the cathedral city — is the dramatic emblem of that new reality. The desert and the city, the hermit and the bishop, the homoousion and the holy man: the Life binds them together, and in doing so both records and advances one of the great alliances of the patristic age, the union of monastic holiness with Nicene orthodoxy that would mark Eastern Christianity ever after.

The Refutation of the Philosophers

Closely bound to the anti-Arian episodes in the Life is the account of Antony’s disputes with the Greek philosophers who came to the mountain to test him (Life of Antony 72–80; trans. Gregg). Athanasius presents these as a parallel apologetic triumph: where the Alexandria visit defends orthodoxy against heresy within the Church, the disputes defend Christian faith against pagan wisdom outside it. The philosophers come expecting to make sport of an unlettered monk, and are instead confounded. Antony’s arguments, as the Life gives them, turn the philosophers’ own cleverness against them: he asks which is prior, mind or letters, and which the inventor of which, showing that the man of sound mind has no need of letters (a defense of his own simplicity); he points to the moral fruit of faith — the conquest of the passions and the demons — against the barren subtlety of the schools; and above all he appeals to the demonstrable power of the Cross and the name of Christ to cast out demons, against which the philosophers’ syllogisms can show nothing comparable (Life of Antony 72–80; trans. Gregg). The lesson Athanasius draws is the one the whole Life serves: the wisdom of God in the simple believer surpasses the wisdom of the world, and the proof is not argument but power and changed lives. This apologetic against paganism complements the polemic against Arianism; together they make Antony a champion on two fronts, defending the faith against the heretic within and the philosopher without. Both episodes serve Athanasius’s larger aim and are reported here as the Life presents them (per the repository methodology §3.5); both also reflect the Life’s pervasive contrast between the unlettered saint and the learned world — the very contrast the Letters complicate (see The Literacy Question).

See Also

References

  • Athanasius of Alexandria. Life of Antony, chs. 46–47 (the persecution journey), 68–71 (the Arians and the refusal of communion), 91 (the cloak to Athanasius) [PG 26:835–976; SC 400]. Trans. Robert C. Gregg, CWS. New York: Paulist Press, 1980.
  • Life of Antony, trans. NPNF II/4, as a web-checkable anchor for chs. 69–70.
  • Brakke, David. Athanasius and Asceticism. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995. (On Athanasius’s enlistment of Antony for the Nicene cause and the dating of the Alexandria visit.)
  • Harmless, William. Desert Christians. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004, ch. 3. (On the Alexandria episodes and their function in the Life.)